SỌ̀RỌ̀SÓKÈ! #EndSARS YOUTH PROTESTS IN NIGERIA Part One

In well-functioning democracies, the right to peacefully assemble and protest is unassailable. Citizens who take such action expect a state response that results in political reform. It is also common knowledge that a state's primary responsibilities include the welfare and security of its citizens. In Chapter Two of the Nigerian constitution, this is stated unequivocally. Furthermore, citizens and state institutions should interact consistently "to negotiate how public authority is exercised and how it can be influenced by people" (Haider and Mcloughlin 2016). Efforts are made during the negotiations to specify common understandings about the "rights and obligations of state and society," how public goods should be distributed, and how inclusive, representative, transparent, and effective governance should be carried out (Haider and Mcloughlin 2016). These are group projects involving both state and societal institutions. The legitimacy of the state is dependent on good relations with citizens and an engaged, "organized, and active civil society" (Haider and Mcloughlin 2016). Thus, organized and peaceful youth protests should be regarded as a regular component of social responses to state action. It is also clear that protests are becoming more common around the world. Many people are questioning state policies and institutional power (Carothers and Youngs 2015). This category also includes the #EndSARS protests. I'll take a narrative approach to examine what the youth are doing in the #EndSARS protests. This includes how the youth define problems and tell their collective story, particularly when juxtaposing their Srsókè stance against the perceived Gbnudák strategies of the older generation.